Bombardovanje Srbije je opasno i kontraproduktivno

LONDON– Jedini racionalni razlog za vazdusne napade zapada na Jugoslaviju je taj sto Washington i London treba da sacuvaju vlastiti kredibilitet. Zivoti mladica bice zrtvovani da bi se sacuvao obraz staraca. Rekli su da ce to uraditi i zato ce to i uraditi. Ovo je taman toliko neodgovorno koliko je i glupavo.

Kako je planirano operacija ce se izvrsiti po visokoj vojnoj ceni. Ovo nece biti repriza nedavnih bombardovanja Iraka. Srbi imaju mogucnost da uzvrate, a ciljevi NATO-a su brojni. On ovde nije samo flotila ratnih brodova u obliznjim morima, u ovom slucaju ti su i NATO-ove trupe u Bosni i Makedoniji.

Drugo, zapad opravdava ovu operaciju neophodnoscu da se izbegne humanitarna katastrofa. Svi cemo biti svedoci paradoksa koji ce proizvesti bombardovanje iz vazduha. Dok bude konsolidovalo podrsku bombardovane nacije koja ce stati iza svog vodje, (lekcija iz nase skorasnje istorije), ono ce takodje prozvesti i novu humanitarnu katastrofu cije ce razmere biti mnogo vece od katastrofe koju je bombardovanje trebalo da spreci. Ne samo da ce vrlo verovatno proizvesti socijalne poremecaju u Srbiji, proizvesce i reku izbeglica koje ce poteci sa Kosova u mnogo vecem broju od ovog koji upravo posmatramo. To i zato sto ce napadnuta srpska vojska pojacati svoje napore da pokori Kosovo.

Ovo objasnjava zbog cega ce bombardovanje koje ostane bez usmeravanja sa zemlje, bez intervencije kopnenih trupa ostati vojno neadekvatno, nedovoljno. Jedini nacin da se zaustavi srpki “blickrig” koji se trenutno vodi na Kosovu bio bi da im se isprece tenkovi i ljudstvo. “Ukoliko zelite da izvedete neku ratnu operaciju morate biti spremni da odkoracate citavu duzinu staze” rekao je juce general Majkl Rouz, bivsi komandir UN snaga u Bosni. Trenutno se 12.000 vojnika NATO-a nalazi u susednoj Makedoniji koji ocekuju da na Kosovo udju radi sprovodjenja mirovnog sporazuma ukoliko bi pregovori uspeli. Njih u vecini sacinjavaju evropski vojnici; medju njima je samo sacica Amerikanaca. Taj broj predstavlja svega sedminu vojnika za koje je NATO procenio da bi bili potrebni za borbenu misiju, a bez obzira na broj, nisu ni naoruzani onako kako bi to takva misija zahtevala.

Odrzava se veoma snazna politicka zabluda da su vazdusni udari u Bosni tokom leta 1995. bili veliki uspeh i da se nesto od te istorije moze ponoviti. Poredjenje je jednostavno nemoguce. Pre pet godina Srbi su skoro izgubili od Hrvata na bojnom polju. Situacija je danas upravo suprotna. Oslobodilackim snagama Kosova preti mogucnost da budu potpuno razbijene.

NATO ovim uzasno reskira. Predsednik Bil Klinton i premijer Toni Bler uspeli su da ubede sebe same kako ce brzo i ostro bombardovanje biti dovoljno da ubedi srpskog predsednika Slobodana Milosevica da prihvati mirovni sporazum. S druge strane to nece biti dovoljno da bi se kosovski Albanci ohrabrili pa zatrazili potpunu nezavisnost.

To je kao da se igra rulet. Uobliceno je misljenje, a Klinton i Bler ga ocigledno zastupaju, koje kaze kako Milosevic samo ceka da dobije pravi izgovor da bi mogao da pristane na sporazum. Potrebno mu je nesto posle cega ce svojim srpskim nacionalistima, ciju podrsku uziva, objasniti da je izdrzao najvise sto se razumno moglo. Ako je to tacno, onda je sve tako da ne moze biti bolje. No, sta ce biti ako to nije tacno?

Ako to nije tacno onda NATO nema drugog izbora nego da uvede i kopnene snage, a za to nije spreman. Kuda ce nas to odvesti?

Ako su vojni razlozi za bombardovanje tanki, politicki razlozi za to jednostavno ne postoje. SAD i Britanija postupaju u ime NATO-a. No, NATO cak i kada bi bio jedinstven u ovoj odluci, a to nije, nema nikakve pravne osnove za preduzimanje ovakve akcije. Èlan 53. Povelje UN, koju su uostalom bas zapadne zemlje i koncipirale, kaze: “Nijedna regionalna organizacija ne sme preduzimati bilo kakve aktivnosti radi sprovodjenja odluka ukoliko je Savet bezbednosti prethodno za to ne ovlasti.”

Problemi koji nastaju izigravanjem Povelje imace trajan karakter. Kada je Zapad nateze i razvlaci ona se nece kao gumica jednostavno vratiti u prethodni polozaj, jednako sprema za sledecu uptrebu. Ostetice se, a mogla bi i postati neupotrebljiva. Zasto bi posle ovoga druge zemlje morale da se obaziru na nju? Zasto Kina jednostavno ne bi upotrebila vojnu silu da vrati Tajvan ili pak da u svoju korist nategne medjunarodno pomorsko pravo.

Klinton govori kako je Kosovo deo Evrope na nacin na koji su to bile Èehoslovacka i Poljska u Hitlerovo vreme.

Ono to jednostavno nije. Kosovo nije srce Evrope. Ono predstavlja deo sveta – a narocito albanski deo – kojim su od drugog svetskog rata na ovamo vladali vladari koji su hteli da ga zadrze sto dalje od demokratske Evrope.

Zapad ovde ne brani srce Evrope od napada – u kom bi slucaju mogao da opravdanje za svoju akciju podvede pod cl. 51 Povelje UN. Ovde se intervenise u jednom perifernom ratu, ratu kakvih danas sirom sveta ima jako puno. Da li je ovaj rat jednako vazan kao recimo onaj u Ruandi pre pet godina kada je vise od pola miliona ljudi masakrirano?

Zbog cega Zapad tada nije intervenisao? Zasto je Klintonov izbor tad bio da potkopa UN-ovu mirovnu operaciju? Da je tada postupio drugacije – pa isto tako i u Somaliji, jos ranije – UN bi mozda danas bio i spreman i organizovan da uspesno intervenise na Kosovu. Ovako, dok “spasavaju Kosovo” Klinton i Bler unistavaju mnogo, mnogo toga.

Foreign affairs columnist, film-maker and author

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