Syria’s Long History of U.S. Interference and Meddling Dating to the Late 1940s

Quwatli declaring Syria’s independence from France, 17 April 1946 (Licensed under the public domain)

Shane Quinn

June 2, 2022

The United States, with occasional interruptions, has been interfering in the important Middle East nation of Syria for over 70 years, and today there are hundreds of American soldiers still present on Syrian soil. These realities are not well known.

Originally published at Globalresearch

US intrusion in Syrian affairs can be traced to the late 1940s, as outlined in 2016 by the American author Robert F. Kennedy Jr. The CIA, at the behest of Harry Truman’s government in Washington, started to destabilise Syria shortly after the country’s official independence in April 1946.

Kennedy Jr. wrote,

“The CIA began its active meddling in Syria in 1949 – barely a year after the agency’s creation. Syrian patriots had declared war on the Nazis, expelled their Vichy French colonial rulers, and crafted a fragile secularist democracy based on the American model”.

Syria at this time was governed by president Shukri al-Quwatli, a man aged in his 50s who had been elected through a democratic process in August 1943. Quwatli is a founding father of the modern Syrian state, and he is regarded by many Syrians as among the most renowned figures in the country’s 20th century history.

Quwatli had Syria’s interests at heart, and he was well acquainted with the methods of imperial powers. He repeatedly pressed for Syrian independence from its French master, often irritating politicians in France by what they perceived to be Quwatli’s stubbornness and disobedience.

It was inevitable these character traits would annoy the leaders of another major power. This time Quwatli was not dealing with a long-declining colonial state like France, but instead his country’s independence was standing in the way of the geopolitical designs of the world’s strongest country, America.

By the 1930s and 1940s, it was recognised in American political circles that the Middle East was the earth’s richest and most strategically important region, chiefly because it contains vast quantities of oil and gas. The waters beside Syria’s coastline are estimated to hold 122 trillion cubic feet of gas and around 107 billion barrels of oil.

The Truman administration wanted to construct extensive oil infrastructure, called the Trans-Arabian Pipeline, through the US ally and oil dictatorship Saudi Arabia, northwards into Syria and Lebanon. British author James Barr, a Middle East analyst, wrote, “By the fall of 1947, Syria had become as important to the United States as it had been to the Crusaders eight centuries earlier”.

The Trans-Arabian Pipeline was a venture of American corporations like Standard Oil of New Jersey (today ExxonMobil), which in the past had conducted business deals with the fascist regimes in Europe. Also involved in the Trans-Arabian Pipeline was Standard Oil of California (today Chevron) and Texaco (now part of Chevron).

Texaco likewise pursued business operations with the far-right European powers, having for example constructed a large oil refinery in Nazi Germany at the city of Hamburg, which supplied fuel for the Luftwaffe.

The CIA itself had been founded in July 1947. Two months later, in September 1947 a 31-year-old CIA agent named Miles Copeland arrived in the Syrian capital Damascus. He thereafter gathered intelligence details on the country. Copeland was soon joined in Syria by another CIA agent, Stephen Meade.

Much to the Americans’ disapproval, president Quwatli was not keen on sanctioning the US-initiated oil pipeline across Syrian territory. As a consequence it was decided in Washington that he would have to go. The CIA agents in Syria, Copeland and Meade, would perform a central role in ousting Quwatli.

The Truman administration gave its consent to the installation of a military dictatorship in Damascus, led by Brigadier-General Husni al-Zaim, someone who Kennedy Jr. described as “a convicted swindler”.

The CIA officers in Damascus advised and bribed Zaim, who was the chief-of-staff of the Syrian Army. Meade alone met with Zaim on at least 6 occasions, and they spoke about the possibility of an “army supported dictatorship”. Zaim informed Meade that the “only way to start the Syrian people along the road to progress and democracy” is “with the whip”. Bolstered by the CIA, Zaim overthrew Quwatli on 30 March 1949.

Brazilian historian Moniz Bandeira recognised the underlying reason was that the ousted Quwatli “had hesitated in approving the construction of the Trans-Arabian Pipeline, connecting the oil fields of Saudi Arabia to the ports of Lebanon, which the United States wanted to build through Syria”. Syria’s tentative democracy had been quickly smashed with US assistance.

The CIA-engineered overthrow of Quwatli was one of the first covert operations the intelligence service had undertaken. Zaim’s rule in Damascus was a brief and unpopular one, lasting for four and a half months until mid-August 1949.

He was toppled and killed by disloyal military colleagues “with the help of the United States” Bandeira noted. A succession of short-lived and mostly military autocracies reigned in Syria, until the mid-1950s. In an unlikely return Quwatli reassumed power in early September 1955.

Now aged 64, Quwatli chose a foreign policy of non-alignment outside of the American and Soviet camps. With the Cold War between west and east intensifying, Quwatli’s independent strategy bothered the Dwight D. Eisenhower administration. Eisenhower, a famous US Army general who became president in January 1953, described the Middle East two years before as “the most strategically important area of the world”.

For president Eisenhower, the Middle East state of Syria was a valuable piece on the chess board. At this time around 1955 the CIA Director under Eisenhower, Allen Dulles, and his brother the US Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, began formulating a clandestine war against Arab nationalism; which they conveniently linked with communism, particularly when it threatened US hegemony over foreign oil sources.

Eisenhower and the Dulles brothers already had leading parts in deposing democratic governments in oil rich Iran (August 1953) not far from Syria, and Guatemala (June 1954) in Central America.

Just as Quwatli was returning to power in Damascus, Eisenhower’s regime change policy towards Syria was taking shape. The CIA Director Allen Dulles considered Syria “ripe for a coup”. From 1955, the CIA worked in tandem with Britain’s Secret Intelligence Service (MI6) and also Turkish intelligence. Together these special services colluded with the conservatives of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party, in the hope of removing Quwatli.

On 1 July 1956 the CIA officer Archibald Roosevelt Jr., grandson of former president Theodore Roosevelt, met in Damascus with Wilbur Crane Eveland, a US National Security Council member. Also present at this meeting was an ex-Syrian minister, Michail Bey Ilyan. Displeased with Quwatli’s government, the three men discussed an “anti-communist” takeover of Syria and its biggest cities, such as Damascus, Aleppo and Homs.

On 21 September 1956 – on the pretexts of containing Soviet communism and the influence of Egypt under its new left-wing leader Gamal Abdel Nasser – the Secretary of State John Foster Dulles informed America’s ambassador in Syria, James S. Moose, to continue “to seek means of assisting Western firms which are bidding for the contract for construction of the Syrian national oil refinery, in competition with bids from the Soviet bloc”.

In October 1956, the special services of America, Britain and Turkey gave the green light to what was titled Operation Straggle, a plan to eliminate Quwatli. Secret agents of the Anglo-American-Turkish powers instigated unrest along Syria’s frontiers, which would serve as the pretext for a putsch in Damascus.

The CIA-led Operation Straggle turned into a fiasco. Syria’s head of military intelligence, Colonel Abdel Hamid al-Sarraj, discovered the anti-government plot and arrested the principal Syrian conspirators. A CIA operative, Walter Snowdon, who was also the Second Secretary in the US Embassy in Damascus, was implicated and had to hastily leave Syria. As too did the US military attaché, Colonel Robert W. Molloy.

Operation Straggle was terminated on 29 October 1956, just when the so-called Suez Crisis was erupting nearby to the south-west, as president Nasser of Egypt in following days would get the better of his Western foes.

Undeterred by the setbacks, CIA subversive activities in Syria promptly resumed. In 1957 the CIA dispatched to Syria two of its agents, Howard “Rocky” Stone and Kermit Roosevelt Jr., another grandson of Theodore Roosevelt. Stone and Roosevelt Jr. had helped to organise the previously mentioned coups in Iran (Operation Ajax) and Guatemala (Operation Success), which led to such devastating results for those two countries.

Kennedy Jr. wrote,

“Flush from his Operation Ajax ‘success’ in Iran, Stone arrived in Damascus in April 1957 with $3 million to arm and incite Islamic militants, and to bribe Syrian military officers and politicians to overthrow al-Quwatli’s democratically elected secularist regime”.

Operation Straggle was reconstituted by the Americans under the new codename Operation Wappen. The CIA goals were to gather together right-wing elements in Syria’s officer corps, and bribe them with millions of dollars, along with ex-Syrian politicians exiled in neighbouring Lebanon.

The US Embassy in Damascus was now, however, under constant surveillance by anti-imperialist Syrian Army officers like Colonel Sarraj, who was an admirer of Nasser. Colonel Sarraj had prior knowledge of the coup’s development.

The plan was further denounced by Syrian military personnel who refused to accept bribes to oust Quwatli. Stone, the CIA agent in Damascus, was arrested by Syria’s authorities and on television he confessed to the plot. US Ambassador Moose was expelled from Syria, with his tenure officially ending on 30 June 1957.

Eisenhower was seriously annoyed at this turn of events, as US-Syrian relations hit one of its all time lows in mid-1957. His administration in response sent the US Sixth Fleet to the Mediterranean Sea beside Syria. The Americans were contemplating a military attack against Syria, in order to install a Western-friendly leader.

Eisenhower considered the risks too great in the end. Following the failure of these latter coup attempts in Syria, Bandeira wrote,

“President Dwight Eisenhower and Allen Dulles had no alternative but to accept the defeat. An invasion in Syria could lead to a Soviet intervention in Turkey”.

American suspicions towards Syria did not abate in February 1958, when a union was formed that month between Syria and Egypt, called the United Arab Republic. Yet the alliance lasted for less than 4 years. It was undone on 28 September 1961, as a result of a section of the Syrian military being against subordination to Nasser in Cairo.

Following more instability in Syria and another succession of short-lived regimes, General Hafez-al Assad, tied to the Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party, took power in March 1971. He was the father of the present day Syrian leader. Over ensuing years, General Assad would have a difficult relationship with the US, in part due to his uncompromising stance towards Israel, which Syria shares a southern border with.

At the beginning of his long reign in 1971, General Assad agreed that year to the Soviet Union establishing a naval base in the Syrian city of Tartus, resting on the strategically important Mediterranean Sea. In many ways, Syria is a link between the Middle East and Europe, and the Russians continue to use this vital base of operations at Tartus.

From the 1970s onward, Washington made continued efforts to erode General Assad’s position. There was the 1982 Hama revolt in western Syria, which resulted in a decisive victory for Assad’s Syrian Army.

This blood-soaked rebellion may well have been encouraged by both the US and its NATO ally Turkey, according to Bandeira. The efforts to oust Assad continually floundered; on separate occasions he crushed with an iron fist revolts enacted by the right-wing Muslim Brotherhood.

Ongoing US hostility towards Assad predictably pushed him closer to the Soviet Union. David W. Lesch, an expert in Middle East affairs wrote,

“As a function of its [Syria’s] cold war alliance with the Soviet bloc, and its traditional position as the most vehemently anti-Israeli Arab state, Syria has been perceived by Washington as an implacable foe for most of the period since World War II”.

In October 1980, Syria and the Soviet Union signed a Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation, which was meant to last for 20 years. In November 1982, with the assumption to power of the 68-year-old Russian politician Yuri Andropov, the USSR shipped to Syria advanced missile systems and warned Israel “not to take any military action against Syria”. Russian military aid partly enabled the Syrians to defeat the US Expeditionary Force present in Lebanon.

Originally published at Globalresearch

About the author

Shane Quinn obtained an honors journalism degree. He is interested in writing primarily on foreign affairs, having been inspired by authors like Noam Chomsky. He is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG).

Sources

Robert F. Kennedy Jr., “Why the Arabs Don’t Want Us in Syria”, Politico Magazine, 22 February 2016

James Barr, “Once Upon a Time, America needed Syria”, Foreign Policy, 18 September 2018

Luiz Alberto Moniz Bandeira, The World Disorder: US Hegemony, Proxy Wars, Terrorism and Humanitarian Catastrophes (Springer; 1st ed., 4 Feb. 2019)

Adam Hochschild, “The Untold Story of the Texaco Oil Tycoon Who Loved Fascism”, The Nation, 21 March 2016

Office Of The Historian, Instruction From the Department of State to the Embassy in Syria, 21 September 1956

Luiz Alberto Moniz Bandeira, The Second Cold War: Geopolitics and the Strategic Dimensions of the USA (Springer 1st ed., 23 June 2017)

Olivia B. Waxman, “The U.S. Intervened in Syria in 1949. Here’s What Happened”, Time Magazine, 13 April 2017

David W. Lesch, When the Relationship Went Sour: Syria and the Eisenhower Administration, Presidential Studies Quarterly, Winter 1998, Published by: Wiley, Jstor

Fred H. Lawson, “Karsh, The Soviet Union and Syria”, Middle East Report, March/April 1990

Please help TFF remain truly independent by contributing if you benefited from this article

Share

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Related Posts

Jan Oberg, TFF director April 9, 2026 I was recently invited to have a good, long talk about the world – and, of course, about peace too – with Boris Malagurski on his Weight of Chains Channel on YouTube. It was a real joy and seems to have been greatly appreciated by the viewers too. Mr Malagurski and I shall of course be grateful if you share this conversation in your circles – of course, only if you like what you see and hear  And remember that this one – like hundreds of others with TFF Associates – can be enjoyed at our TFF Video Collection.
A friendly quarrel while we agree that the US sanctions are a weapon of mass destruction and kill more people than wars do. And that we must talk much more about sanctions than we have so far. Jan Oberg, TFF director March 16, 2026 John Mearsheimer recently stated that U.S. sanctions murdered around 38 million people between 1971 and 2021 – see the video below. It is a dramatic figure, and it has spread quickly because it captures, in one sentence, the enormous human cost of modern sanctions. I share his concern about the destructive effects of economic coercion. But the specific number he cites — and the way he attributes it — deserves a friendly academic clarification. The figure comes from a 2023 Lancet Global Health article estimating the mortality effects of unilateral U.S. and EU sanctions over the past half‑century. This is the first point where Mearsheimer’s shorthand diverges from the text: the study...
By Jan ObergTFF co-founder and director February 11, 2026 PART 3 — ECONOMICS, TRADE & FINANCIAL SOVEREIGNTY A. Trade Measures & Market Signaling Economic pressure can be applied instantly and scaled without violence. Immediate Measures (within a week) Government boycott US goods and services  A very powerful signal which over time will be felt. Targeted tariffs on selected U.S. goods Symbolic but high-visibility sectors send a clear message. Suspend trade facilitation talks A peaceful pause that signals deep concern. Freeze U.S. participation in public procurement – military procurement in particular A nonviolent way to reduce influence. Competition law review of U.S. corporations A legal tool to scrutinise market dominance. Longer-Term Measures EU–Asia–Africa trade corridors Reducing reliance on U.S. markets. European supply chains for critical minerals Strategic autonomy in resource access. European Strategic Trade Authority Monitoring coercive practices globally. Euro-denominated commodity markets Weakening the dollar’s pricing monopoly. The EU must resume contacts and negotiations with Russia, focusing on energy cooperation To...

Recent Articles

Burundi – hopp om fred Burundi, var är det nu det ligger? Det är nånting med Hutsier och Tutuer – eller vad de nu heter – som mördar varandra med machete-knivar, nånting med fattigdom, korruption, militärdiktatur, nöd och elände? Det hopplösa, mörka Afrika i ett bananskal, eller hur? Tja. Jag har precis varit där. Det ligger naturligtvis någonting i det. Och det finns en del orsaker till att vi inte ser mycket om landet i massmedia. En av dem är att det inte försiggår något folkmord just nu, ingen naturkatastrofer, ingen kupp. Det finns ingen misslyckad FN-mission, USA och EU har få intressen, Madeleine Halfbright har inte sagt något om det nyss, NATO:s Solana ser inte bombningar i Burundi som viktiga för firandet av alliansens 50-årsdag i april. För en tid sedan då 50 människor mördades strömmade hundratals journalister med CNN i spetsen till Burundi…men för att snabbt försvinna till Kongo...
Burundi – håb forude Burundi, hvor er det nu det ligger? Det er noget med Hutsier og Tutuer – eller hvad de nu hedder – der laver folkemord med machete-knive på hinanden, noget med fattigdom, korruption, militærdiktatur, nød og elendighed? Det håbløse, mørke Afrika i en bananskal, ikke? Tjah. Jeg har lige været der. Der er selvfølgelig noget om snakken. Der er en del årsager til at man ikke hører særligt meget om livet i dette lille land. En af dem er at der ikke foregår noget folkemord for tiden, ingen naturkatastrofer, intet kup. Der er ingen mislykket FN-mission, USA og EU har ingen interesser, Madeleine Halfbright har ikke sagt noget om det, NATO’s Solana ser ikke bombinger i Burundi som afgørende forud for alliancens 50årsdag. For nogen tid siden da et halvt hundrede mennesker var blevet dræbt valfartede hundreder af journalister med CNN i spidsen dertil . . . men...
Rambouillet (Rambo-Yeah) og Rashid Vi skriver fredag den 19. januar. For få dage siden kom jeg hjem fra små tre uger i Skopje, Beograd og Kosovo. Min analyse og min intuition siger mig dét, jeg ikke vil høre: bombningerne nærmer sig. Det var 34. besøg siden 1991. Jeg er delvist uddannet i Dubrovnik, fra 1974. Jeg kan ikke slippe det. Det er altså også mit land, der atter trues af den kulturkreds, jeg tilhører. Radmila og Peca i Beograd, venner siden 1974, intellektuelle der har valgt ikke at forlade landet og netop har sagt nej til et ophold i udlandet. Datteren Anja på 9 skal vokse op hér. "Jeg rejste ned nu," siger jeg, "fordi der enten ville falde bomber eller blive en eller anden slags ‘forhandling’ og jeg vil være hér hvis I blir bombet, for jeg skammer mig over hvad Danmark og andre lande gør." Hun får tårer...

TFF on Substack

Discover more from TFF Transnational Foundation & Jan Oberg.

Most Popular

Burundi – hopp om fred Burundi, var är det nu det ligger? Det är nånting med Hutsier och Tutuer – eller vad de nu heter – som mördar varandra med machete-knivar, nånting med fattigdom, korruption, militärdiktatur, nöd och elände? Det hopplösa, mörka Afrika i ett bananskal, eller hur? Tja. Jag har precis varit där. Det ligger naturligtvis någonting i det. Och det finns en del orsaker till att vi inte ser mycket om landet i massmedia. En av dem är att det inte försiggår något folkmord just nu, ingen naturkatastrofer, ingen kupp. Det finns ingen misslyckad FN-mission, USA och EU har få intressen, Madeleine Halfbright har inte sagt något om det nyss, NATO:s Solana ser inte bombningar i Burundi som viktiga för firandet av alliansens 50-årsdag i april. För en tid sedan då 50 människor mördades strömmade hundratals journalister med CNN i spetsen till Burundi…men för att snabbt försvinna till Kongo...
Burundi – håb forude Burundi, hvor er det nu det ligger? Det er noget med Hutsier og Tutuer – eller hvad de nu hedder – der laver folkemord med machete-knive på hinanden, noget med fattigdom, korruption, militærdiktatur, nød og elendighed? Det håbløse, mørke Afrika i en bananskal, ikke? Tjah. Jeg har lige været der. Der er selvfølgelig noget om snakken. Der er en del årsager til at man ikke hører særligt meget om livet i dette lille land. En af dem er at der ikke foregår noget folkemord for tiden, ingen naturkatastrofer, intet kup. Der er ingen mislykket FN-mission, USA og EU har ingen interesser, Madeleine Halfbright har ikke sagt noget om det, NATO’s Solana ser ikke bombinger i Burundi som afgørende forud for alliancens 50årsdag. For nogen tid siden da et halvt hundrede mennesker var blevet dræbt valfartede hundreder af journalister med CNN i spidsen dertil . . . men...
Rambouillet (Rambo-Yeah) og Rashid Vi skriver fredag den 19. januar. For få dage siden kom jeg hjem fra små tre uger i Skopje, Beograd og Kosovo. Min analyse og min intuition siger mig dét, jeg ikke vil høre: bombningerne nærmer sig. Det var 34. besøg siden 1991. Jeg er delvist uddannet i Dubrovnik, fra 1974. Jeg kan ikke slippe det. Det er altså også mit land, der atter trues af den kulturkreds, jeg tilhører. Radmila og Peca i Beograd, venner siden 1974, intellektuelle der har valgt ikke at forlade landet og netop har sagt nej til et ophold i udlandet. Datteren Anja på 9 skal vokse op hér. "Jeg rejste ned nu," siger jeg, "fordi der enten ville falde bomber eller blive en eller anden slags ‘forhandling’ og jeg vil være hér hvis I blir bombet, for jeg skammer mig over hvad Danmark og andre lande gør." Hun får tårer...
Read More
Burundi – hopp om fred Burundi, var är det nu det ligger? Det är nånting med Hutsier och Tutuer – eller vad de nu heter – som mördar varandra med machete-knivar, nånting med fattigdom, korruption, militärdiktatur, nöd och elände? Det hopplösa, mörka Afrika i ett bananskal, eller hur? Tja. Jag har precis varit där. Det ligger naturligtvis någonting i det. Och det finns en del orsaker till att vi inte ser mycket om landet i massmedia. En av dem är att det inte försiggår något folkmord just nu, ingen naturkatastrofer, ingen kupp. Det finns ingen misslyckad FN-mission, USA och EU har få intressen, Madeleine Halfbright har inte sagt något om det nyss, NATO:s Solana ser inte bombningar i Burundi som viktiga för firandet av alliansens 50-årsdag i april. För en tid sedan då 50 människor mördades strömmade hundratals journalister med CNN i spetsen till Burundi…men för att snabbt försvinna till Kongo...
Burundi – håb forude Burundi, hvor er det nu det ligger? Det er noget med Hutsier og Tutuer – eller hvad de nu hedder – der laver folkemord med machete-knive på hinanden, noget med fattigdom, korruption, militærdiktatur, nød og elendighed? Det håbløse, mørke Afrika i en bananskal, ikke? Tjah. Jeg har lige været der. Der er selvfølgelig noget om snakken. Der er en del årsager til at man ikke hører særligt meget om livet i dette lille land. En af dem er at der ikke foregår noget folkemord for tiden, ingen naturkatastrofer, intet kup. Der er ingen mislykket FN-mission, USA og EU har ingen interesser, Madeleine Halfbright har ikke sagt noget om det, NATO’s Solana ser ikke bombinger i Burundi som afgørende forud for alliancens 50årsdag. For nogen tid siden da et halvt hundrede mennesker var blevet dræbt valfartede hundreder af journalister med CNN i spidsen dertil . . . men...
Rambouillet (Rambo-Yeah) og Rashid Vi skriver fredag den 19. januar. For få dage siden kom jeg hjem fra små tre uger i Skopje, Beograd og Kosovo. Min analyse og min intuition siger mig dét, jeg ikke vil høre: bombningerne nærmer sig. Det var 34. besøg siden 1991. Jeg er delvist uddannet i Dubrovnik, fra 1974. Jeg kan ikke slippe det. Det er altså også mit land, der atter trues af den kulturkreds, jeg tilhører. Radmila og Peca i Beograd, venner siden 1974, intellektuelle der har valgt ikke at forlade landet og netop har sagt nej til et ophold i udlandet. Datteren Anja på 9 skal vokse op hér. "Jeg rejste ned nu," siger jeg, "fordi der enten ville falde bomber eller blive en eller anden slags ‘forhandling’ og jeg vil være hér hvis I blir bombet, for jeg skammer mig over hvad Danmark og andre lande gør." Hun får tårer...
Konflikthåndtering – den ny kolde krig Det internationale såkaldte “samfund” er tilstede som fredsskabere i snart sagt hver eneste konflikt og krig med sine diplomater, soldater, genopbygningshjælp, monitorer, jurister, ambassadører, fredsbevarere, mæglere, politi, eksperter, forhandlere og med agenter, satelliter, hangarfartøjer og kampfly på alert. Fredsforstyrrende fraktioner skal bringes til det berømte forhandlingsbord omkring hvilket de under det internationale samfunds pres skal sige ja til fredsplaner, Den generelle, tidstypiske mediedækning af politiske konflikter og krige befæster mere eller mindre bevidst to dybt misvisende, men funktionelle, opfattelser. (A) Konflikter handler om gode versus mindre gode aktører og konfliktløsning er følgelig et spørgsmål om at straffe de onde og belønne de gode, ofrene. (B) Verden er opdelt i to parter, ja der er to verdener: På den ene side er der "fredsforstyrrerne" – slyngelstater, hitleristiske diktatorer, forfejlede stater, primitive og onde aktører, terrorister, folk der ikke forstår andet end store bogstaver og bomber...
Försoningens tid Att förlåta någon innebär att man accepterar den som handlat felaktigt och som ångrar det. Försoning är ett klarläggande och en accept av det som hänt, ett viljesmässigt beslut om att komma vidare och se framåt. Vi kan förlåta en annan människa hans eller hennes gärningar och därmed erbjuda en ny start. Vi försonas med fakta och med den skyldige och eventuellt också med att vi själva kan ha varit en medverkande orsak till att det gick som det gick. Förlåtelse och försoning handlar emellertid inte om att glömma. Ett par av mina kväkarvänner miste för några år sedan sin son och blivande svärdotter i en bilolycka, ett resultat av en annan bilists helt oansvariga manöver. Det var viktigt för dem att träffa den människa som förvållat dem så stor smärta. Straffet i sig var inte viktigt för dem utan de sade till honom: "vi kan förlåta Dig...
Ett expanderande NATO är konfliktbevarande Nato expanderar i en värld där de samlade militärutgifterna motsvarar årsinkomsten för jordens 49 procent fattigaste, skriver fredsforskaren Jan Øberg. Satsningen på Nato:s utvidgning går ut på att kämpa mot fiktiva hot och skapar exakt det man säger sig vilja undvika, ekonomisk kris, instabilitet och nya hot. Nato expanderar. De globala militära utgifterna har årligen fallit med några få procent. Men den nya teknologins slagkraft ökar. Kärnvapenindustrins forskare hotas inte av arbetslöshet. Enbart USA har en militär budget på drygt 250 miljarder dollar och världens samlade militärutgifter motsvarar årsinkomsten för de 49 procent fattigaste på klotet. Tyskland expanderar. En gång i tiden förstod man att ett förenat Tyskland måste vara neutralt. Men Gorbatjov, som gav Sovjetunionens och Warszawapaktens upplösning till Västvärlden i tron att han skulle få någonting i gengäld, serverade också ett förenat Tyskland till Nato på en silverbricka. Delvis kärnvapen-nedrustning följde liksom ryska...