Hvad der taler forsanktioner mod Israel

Af

Gerald Kaufman, Labour medlem af parlamentet for Manchester Gorton

Det, der virkede mod apartheid, kan bringe fred til Mellemøsten

Gerald Kaufman skrev dette i The Guardian 12. juli 2004

Bombeangrebet i Tel Aviv i går belyser det desperate behov for at opnå en fredsløsning. Det belyser også formålsløsheden i den mur, Israel bygger på palæstinensisk land, en mur, der blev fordømt af den Internationale Domstol sidste fredag, en mur hvis linieføring fordømtes af Israels højesteret sidste måned. Hvad skal der til for at få en afslutning på denne dødsdans?

Da den Internationale Domstol forlangte at få muren fjernet, svarede den israelske regering, at den har en “moralsk pligt” til at forsvare sine borgere. Ganske bortset fra, at denne regering – den mest højreorienterede og krigeriske i Israels 56-årige historie – ikke ville kunne kende en moralsk pligt, hvis den blev slået i ansigtet med den, så er forsvaret af borgerne den pligt, som den først og fremmest svigter.

Siden den anden intifada blev fremkaldt i september 2000 ved (dengang oppositionsleder) Ariel Sharons provokatoriske besøg på muslimernes helligdom Tempelbjerget i Jerusalem, er mere end 1000 israelere dræbt ved terroristaktioner – mange flere end i nogen sammenlignelig periode siden Israel blev dannet. I den samme periode er der selvfølgelig dræbt 3 gange så mange palæstinensere af israelere.

For at retfærdiggøre muren peger den israelske regering på hvad den hævder er dens succes med at reducere terrorismen ved fysisk at afspærre Gaza-stribens dybt forarmede palæstinensere. Den succes illustreredes for et par uger siden, da en raket fra Gaza-striben dræbte et israelsk spædbarn, ikke i de ulovlige israelske bebyggelser i Gaza-striben, men i den nærliggende israelske by Sderot. Kort efter faldt en anden raket nogle få hundrede meter fra Sharon selv, da han var på kondolencevisit i Sderot med erklæringen “vi lader os ikke rokke”.

Muren har ingen chance for at standse terrorismen, selvom 1 milliard USD er spildt på den på et tidspunkt, hvor arbejdsløsheden er rekordhøj, armoden rammer et stort antal af Israels underklasse, turistindtægterne er inde i en nedadgående spiral og økonomien er nærmest i frit fald.

Da jeg besøgte muren for et par måneder siden, besøgte jeg også den palæstinensiske by Qalqilya, som er indespærret i en næsten total omringning af muren, men som jeg kunne komme ind i med et FN-køretøj. Næste dag blev israelske soldater ved et checkpoint, som jeg havde passeret og som er synligt fra den del af muren, dræbt af en bombe.

Selvom den israelske højesteret argumenterer for at muren ikke er ulovlig, så fastslog den, at denne barriere giver anledning til “ikke retfærdiggjorte besværligheder” for omkring 35,000 palæstinensere, som bliver indespærret i isolerede enklaver og afskåret fra deres landbrugsjord, klinikker, hospitaler, skoler og universiteter. Hvis muren gøres færdig vil hundredtusinder af palæstinensere få disse problemer og en by som Bethlehem vil få ødelagt sin turisme og sit landbrug.

Hvad skal man så stille op? Det er meningsløst at forslå, at forelægge problemet for FNs Sikkerhedsråd, eftersom Bush-regeringen, som bestræber sig på at vinde jødiske stemmer fra demokraterne, samtidig som de tilskyndes til at støtte Sharon af Texas skøre kristne fundamentalister, vil nedlægge veto mod enhver resolution, der fordømmer den israelske regering.

Økonomiske sanktioner og en våbenembargo mod Israel er den eneste måde at bryde dødvandet. En sådan politik væltede apartheid i Sydafrika, som på samme måde dømtes af den Internationale Domstol i 1971 for sin ulovlige besættelse af Syd Vest Afrika (nu det fri og demokratiske Namibia). Det var sanktioner pålagt af en præsident Bush (den nuværendes væsentlig mere fornuftige og principfaste far), som tvang en højrefløjs israelsk premierminister Yitshak Shamir til fredssamtaler i Madrid, efter at Bush suspenderede en lånegaranti på 10 milliarder USD til genhusning af russiske immigranter i Israel.

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Det bliver ikke let at få vedtaget sanktioner og en våbenblokade i dag. Men det giver kun anledning til at starte en stærk kampagne så snart som muligt. En nylig rapport til det britiske underhus- udvalg for international udvikling påpegede den ekstra virkning, der ville være i at gøre Europas handelsaftaler betingede af Israels overholdelse af international ret og Sikkerhedsrådets resolutioner (som Israel lader hånt om i deres helhed).

War on Want har slået fast: “En handelspolitik kan være en nøglemekanisme for at udøve pres på Israel. En fuld økonomisk embargo ville være i overensstemmelse med artikel 2 i EUs associeringsaftale med Israel, som fastslår, at handelsrestriktioner kan gennemføres på grund af et lands dårlige indsats på menneskerettighedsområdet.” Som det uimodsigeligt fremgår af den israelske højesterets afgørelse for slet ikke at tale om Den Internationale Domstols afgørelse har denne regering frastødende resultater at fremvise på menneskerettighedsområdet.

Mens USA er Israels største våbenleverandør så deltager europæiske lande som Tyskland også. Her må der også udøves pres. Der er en stigende udtrykt accept af behovet for en afgørelse, der er retfærdig overfor palæstinenserne, som det demonstreredes i et væsentligt parlamentarisk svar fra Tony Blair (på et spørgsmål jeg stillede) i Underhuset for nylig. Han sagde at “en levedygtig palæstinensisk stat” må “bygge på 1967-grænserne”. Disse grænser er præcist hvad muren, der går langt inde på palæstinensisk jord for at omfatte jødiske bosættelser, satser på at ødelægge.

At en opgave er vanskelig betyder ikke, at man ikke skal forsøge at løse den. Det har ingen mening at forsøge at ændre den israelske politik ved at appellere til regeringens bedre jeg, eftersom et sådant bedre jeg ikke eksisterer. Sanktioner og et våbenstop må være vort middel. En bestemt og målrettet kampagne kan måske i sig selv ændre Sharon regeringens politik og fremkalde en fredsløsning, som bringer en ende på palæstinensernes – og israelernes – lidelser.

Gerald Kaufman er Labour medlem af parlamentet for Manchester Gorton.

Kommentarer til kaufmang@parliament.uk

Oversat af Orla Jordal, som en public service

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